On the 25thMarch 2010 the Child Poverty Act became law. Brought into statute with cross-party support, it committed Britain to lifting all children out of poverty by 2020. Almost two years on, rather than being closer to that aim we are getting further away. Eradicating poverty in a society riven with structural inequalities was always going to be a challenge. However the challenge continues to grow, at least in part, because we continue to ignore the most obvious solution: children themselves.
What is persistently absent from contemporary debates on childhood poverty are the views and lived experiences of children and young people themselves. Children and young people have been a driving force in every significant movement resulting in social change in modern society. They may live in the same dire conditions as their adult counterparts but are not bound by the same shackles of responsibility and fear. They are at the forefront of movements that encourage society to think differently.
The American civil rights movement, with its dramatic social impacts, was steeled by youth action. In many cases the actions of progressive young people were a response to the conditions of poverty, as much as to institutional racism. When, in spring 1951, black students refused to abide by Virginia State’s segregated schools policy they were also protesting at overcrowded classrooms and crumbling buildings. The result was the famous Brown v. Board of Education legal case that led to the phasing out of segregated schools from 1954.
We could also cite the courage and actions of the young lions in South Africa, who played a central role in the fall of apartheid in the early 1990s. Today too, young people have been instrumental in the fall of dictatorships throughout the Arab Spring. Close to home, the Occupy movement in New York, London and countless other locations, has been led by young people. Whilst some commentators have dismissed the movement as a left-wing spat, it is the first grass roots challenge to the orthodox ideology that “we’re all in this together”. It is also genuinely international, using viral communication to link together what the Occupy Together web site describes as “over 600 communities” in 95 cities, over 82 countries.
Even if you do not accept the notion that young people are central to processes of social change, the voice of children in current debates about childhood poverty is glaringly absent. This seems fundamentally mistaken given that they are increasingly asked to shoulder the burden of the economic crisis.
The removal of Educational Maintenance Allowance (EMA) and the rise in the costs of tuition fees has taken significant numbers of young people out of education, with UCAS application down 12% in 2011. Analysis of the cuts so far also reveals that youth services have been disproportionately affected. Meanwhile, January 19th marked the first anniversary of Britain’s high water mark for youth unemployment, when a figure of 20.7% was reached for the first time. Or, to put it another way, nearly 1million 16-17 year olds were out of work. All of this paints a bleak future for the country’s younger generations, and what happens if their concerns – their possible solutions – are not accounted for by the nation’s decision makers?
The events of summer 2011 provided the answer, as riots spread across major cities.Unlike most major media outlets, which recycled chaotic images of theft and violence, The Children’s Society spoke with young people and adults about what led to the riots and what needs to be done to prevent further acts. The majority of respondents blamed poverty for the actions, believing that young people took part to get goods that they couldn’t otherwise afford to buy.
It is, perhaps, unsurprising that young people are driven to dramatic action, whatever its rights and wrongs. Even policy makers are overwhelmed by the scale of the problem of childhood poverty, as each new piece of research suggests numbers are likely to continue to rise. Alan Milburn, the Independent Reviewer ofChild Poverty & Social Mobility,suggested in December 2011 that the 2020 Child Poverty Targets are not going to be met. He went further to argue that figures are going in reverse. The Institute for Fiscal Studies has suggested that the changes to welfare reforms coming from 2013 are going to see a further 800,000 children living in poverty.
Such findings have generated many column inches in the press and academia, analysing and theorising about what is to be done. However, research the backgrounds of the average academic, MP, policy advisor or journalist and you will struggle to find many who have lived through childhood poverty themselves. Like the civil rights protestors, who understands how to shift the heavy weight that is poverty better than those who carry it daily in all that they do? Indeed, any type of childhood will be a distant memory to the majority of those charged with addressing the growing social problem of childhood poverty during an age of austerity and economic crisis.
The current failure to come anywhere close to the ambitions of the 2010 Child Poverty Act has prompted numerous concerned responses. Some commentators have suggested that, if we are going to see a reversal in child poverty rates, then what is required is a radical shift in policy. There are whispers that we need changes of a scale unseen since the foundation of the welfare state. That would require a real movement in our society, rooted in the lived experience and action of those to whom it would matter most. The welfare state was not created in abstract, but with the people who benefitted most from it. Those very people, in housing estates around the country, became the nurses, midwives, teachers, housing officers and employment advisors that brought Britain into recovery from the devastation of the Second World War.
If such a shift in thinking and action is necessary, then so is a new approach to involving children in ending poverty. That approach must see young people as part of the solution rather than the passive recipients of the problem.
Sara Bryson works as the Policy and Business Development Officer at Children North East, a regional children’s charity that has just completed a participatory photography project exploring the experiences of poverty amongst children and young people in the North East. More information on the project – and a national conference that was held to disseminate and discuss the findings – can be found here. The two photographs included in this post were taken by young people as part of the project.
Sara will also be posting again in the near future on how this project is developing and how it will continue to involve children and young people.
A slightly longer version of this post can be found in the current edition (24th Feb 2012) of The New Statesman. The magazine features a special pull out section on Child Poverty produced in association with the Webb Memorial Trust
Women and Children Last?
“What is Right for the Family is Right for Britain” – Margaret Thatcher, 1975
“I want to make this the most family-friendly government the country has ever seen” – David Cameron, 2011
A few weeks ago, I picked up a book called ‘Punishing the Poor: Poverty under Thatcher’ from the University library. When I started reading it, I was struck by the apparent similarities between the language used and policies pursued by the Thatcher government and those of the current Coalition government. The criticisms of the Thatcher administration (and there are many of them in the book) are, in my opinion, very similar to the criticisms that are being voiced today about a wide range of issues and groups affected by welfare reform and ‘austerity measures’.
This may come as no surprise to many readers but I believe it is noteworthy given that David Cameron has made much of his ‘Compassionate Conservatism’ approach and has sought to distance himself from Thatchers ‘controversial approach’. He is also currently leading a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats that has suggested that their hands are forced in certain policy areas as a result of the current fiscal climate. This post highlights some of the main perceived similarities between the policies directed towards families and children, despite the differences listed above.
Rationale for welfare reform
The rationale for welfare reform outlined by both governments is strikingly similar. Britain had become lazy, the welfare state had ‘trapped’ people into a cycle of dependency and a new focus on responsibility and independence was necessary:
“I came to office with one deliberate intent: to change Britain from a dependent to a self-reliant society; from a give-it-to-me to a do-it-yourself nation; a get-up-and-go instead of a sit-back-and-wait-for-it Britain”
Margaret Thatcher, 8 February 1984
“Let’s bring on the can-do optimism. Let’s summon the energy and the appetite to fight for a better future for our country, Great Britain.
Frankly, there’s too much ‘can’t do’ sogginess around. We need to be a sharp, focused, can-do country.
Let’s turn this time of challenge into a time of opportunity. Not sitting around, watching things happen and wondering why. But standing up, making things happen and asking why not.”
David Cameron, 5 October 2011
“The level and scope of benefits have been improved in anticipation of a growth in output which has not been achieved. It is a striking example of the nation’s capacity for spending money before it has been earned”
Sir Geoffrey Howe, March 1980
“The previous Government attempted to hit poverty targets by paying out more and more in welfare payments so as expenditure grew poverty for working-age adults increased and mobility failed to improve. Vast sums of cash were spent but the rungs on the ladder to prosperity didn’t move any closer together. Limited social returns were delivered despite significant income transfers leaving the taxpayer with an unmanageable level of debt.”
Iain Duncan Smith, April 2011
The Green Paper on the Reform of Social Security published in 1985 stated that ‘We want to give greater responsibility and greater independence to the individual’ whilst a ‘Policy Green Paper’ produced by the Conservatives in 2008 (when they were in opposition) states that their plans ‘will give some of our most deprived citizens the opportunity to live independent and fulfilling lives’ and ‘will help more people contribute to the responsible society I want to achieve’
Women
The Coalition Government have received criticism as a result of the impact of their policies and their budget on women and David Cameron has also come under fire for his perceived attitude towards women and has recently appointed a policy advisor to specifically address this issue. Support for the Conservatives amongst women is particularly low. Margaret Thatcher was also criticised for undermining the position of women in society and, in 1982, famously said:
“The battle for women’s rights has largely been won. “The days when they were demanded and discussed in strident tones should be gone forever. I hate those strident tones we hear from some Women’s Libbers.”
In a chapter called ‘Women and Children Last’, the authors of Punishing the Poor highlight that:
“Government policies, which have reduced the employment rights of women at work, restricted their opportunities to retrain and enter the labour market, and ignored the need for childcare, help to ensure that they have no choice but to stay at home”
Andrews & Jacobs, p51
These concerns are similar to the current employment situation facing women and, interestingly, in a review of the Green Paper of 1985, the Equal Opportunities Commission stated that it ‘does not at any point, in discussing the shape of future state provision, address the particular needs of women’. This echoes concerns raised more recently by the Equalities Minister Lynne Featherstone that government departments ‘will be in breach of equality laws if they do not examine the potential for cuts to fall disproportionately on women’ and the legal challenge by The Fawcett Society to the Emergency Budget in 2010.
Child Benefit
The similarities between the two governments continue in their approaches to child benefit. Andrews & Jacobs suggest that:
“The importance of ‘the family’ in the iconography of Thatcherism gives Conservative policies towards child benefit particular significance. More than that, however, it commands the high ground in the political battle between universal benefits and selective (‘targeted’) benefits. It represents the crucial divide between those that argue that there should be positive policies for families … and those that feel that the welfare state and family policy should be confined to relieving poverty.”
It notes that ‘child benefit could not be taken for granted. As part of the first tranche of public expenditure cuts it was frozen at its April 1979 value of £4 until November 1980’ (It was also frozen again in 1988). George Osborne, in the 2010 Budget, froze child benefit for 3 years from April 2011. Osborne, however, has also withdrawn child benefit from higher tax-rate payers which was something that the Thatcher government considered doing but never fully pursued. It should also be noted that Gordon Brown, whilst Chancellor, considered means-testing Child Benefit, but again didn’t implement this proposal.
Child tax credits have also been cut by the Coalition Government (prompting a suggestion that the fight against child poverty had been abandoned) and government contributions to Child Trust Funds have also been withdrawn.
However, Conservative politicians have suggested that families shouldn’t have been overly concerned about the financial implications of these policies. In 1987, Michael Portillo suggested that the equivalent of 4p per day was not worth worrying about and that ‘The help that the Conservative Party gives to the family is much more than cash support. We give vigorous moral support.’ Iain Duncan Smith, echoing these words 24 years later wrote that ‘Whereas the previous decade saw increased welfare payments achieve little but marginal changes in income our focus … brings lasting improvements for children as they benefit from a positive role model, a healthier and happier family, and a more stable home life.’
Maternity
Andrews & Jacobs note that the Green Paper of 1985 proposed the abolition of the universal maternity grant of £25 and also introduced stricter eligibility conditions for the maternity allowance. They claim that ‘The key criticism of both proposals is that they underlined the complete and historic failure of government to take seriously the need to support mothers during and after pregnancy’. The current government have also withdrawn a range of maternity and baby related benefits including the Sure Start Maternity Grant, the Health in Pregnancy Grant and the Baby Element of the Child Tax Credit – on top of the other changes already highlighted. This led the Daily Mirror to announce that babies were paying for bust Britain and they calculated that the potential loss to families as a result of these changes was £1735
Summary
There are other areas of welfare reform and efforts to tackle poverty where there are also striking similarities between the two governments, including policies and language targeting young people entering the labour market, people with disabilities, welfare fraud and differentiating between ‘claimants’ and ‘taxpayers’. The focus here has been on policies related to families and children.
Some readers may wonder what all the fuss is about. Two governments with strong Conservative influence pursue similar policies and use similar language to articulate them. So what? I would, however, reiterate the points I made in the opening couple of paragraphs that suggest there should, perhaps, be a more discernible difference in approach between the two administrations for a number of reasons including recent public pronouncements that the ‘Conservatives have changed’, the emphasis on the constraints imposed by the current economic situation and the potential influence of the Lib Dems.
It should also be of interest to poverty campaigners and workers in the field as the % of children living in poverty grew from around 14% in 1979 to around 26% in 1989. Current child poverty projections are heading in the same direction.
It would, of course, also be interesting to examine the language used by the intervening Labour administration, who certainly talked of responsibilities as well, and who also received criticism for ‘failing family policies’ but that will have to wait for another post….
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1 Comment | tags: david cameron, iain duncan smith, margaret thatcher, welfare reform | posted in child poverty, comment, poverty, welfare reform